"This is the only formula that I could think of in order to solve the crisis," he told The Sunday Leader in an interview. He also said the JVP's claim that it is the third major force is due to the weaknesses of the two major political forces in the country. He said as the two main parties are unable to come to an understanding on certain specific issues that pose a great threat to the country, "The JVP's claim of being the third force may be true. But we, the national parties should not let down the people and give them the impression that we cannot deliver the goods," he explained.
Following are excerpts;
By Wilson Gnanadass

Q: THE present political deadlock continues. What is the compromise formula you intend to offer?

A: The best formula I have in mind as a solution to this problem is 'togetherness' or 'oneness.' This means both leaders and subsequently both major political parties in this country getting together for the sake of finding a solution. Now the question is whether this has happened in our country? I feel this type of togetherness is yet to happen in Sri Lanka. When we think of togetherness or entering into an agreement to sort out a specific issue the country is saddled with, one party either the ruling or the opposition must learn to take one step back. Now in my view this is called proper understanding. I am afraid the two major parties may not be willing to take this step. I feel this is vital in the exercise of finding a solution. To start off both leaders must be willing to sit together and try to bring the two parties together. Leaders must take the first step and when this happens, the others will follow them.

Q: How do you view the conciliatory approach both the President and the Prime Minister have taken to hold face to face talks?

A: Highly commendable. I think if we go on in this direction the foundation for the peace process already laid could be further strengthened. This is vital for any conflict resolution exercise. I appreciate both leaders for what they are doing at present for the sake of salvaging the country from the bondage of terrorism and other problems.

Q: President Kumaratunga is insisting on keeping the defence portfolio. Do you think it is possible for the Prime Minister to handle the peace process without this?

A: Who is holding what becomes immaterial if both leaders and subsequently both parties enter into a working arrangement as soon as possible. The Supreme Court clearly gave the ruling that the defence portfolio cannot be given to a third party. From a constitutional point of view also the defence portfolio should be held by the head of state. So if we go to find out who should hold what the problem cannot be solved. This is a crucial stage in the history of Sri Lanka. We should not be pointing fingers at each other but instead try to find out how best the problem can be solved. Don't you think after a marriage who should hold the key to the almirah becomes immaterial? It obviously becomes the collective responsibility of both the husband and the wife. So this is something similar to that.

Q: In this context is it reasonable to ask the Prime Minister to assume responsibility for the peace process if he has no control over defence?

A: No. Nobody could be held responsible unless and until both leaders realise the dire need of the country and join together. Once this happens, then both would be held responsible if something goes wrong.

Q: President Kumaratunga took over three ministries stating that the government was compromising national security. But after assuming control of these ministries no big changes have been made. Manirasakulam camp is still in place. The MoU has not been amended, and President Kumaratunga goes on to the extent of saying that the LTTE proposals can be the basis for negotiation between the LTTE and the government. Does this not bring into question the President's bone fides in sacking the three ministers?

A: I guess the President is cautious. She does not want to upset the peace process. She is the person who started the whole peace process and she would never want to see it collapsing. So though she took over these ministries for a worthy cause, she in my view is not going to act fast, as to upset the peace process. This is like a transition period. One cannot expect any major changes overnight. I think gradually she may introduce some changes that would not hamper the peace process.
She was compelled to take over these ministries because there was a need. For instance the security situation in the east was deteriorating faster than ever before. Muslims were constantly being put to hardship. The police were harassing innocent people. The crime rate was soaring and was going out of control. The underworld started raising its ugly head that led to society being terrorised. So all these forced the President to take over these ministries.

Q: Yes, but after taking these over nothing has happened?

A: Wait and see. It is too early to see any major changes.

Q: There are reports that the LTTE has put up fresh bunkers. Will President Kumaratunga direct the security forces to remove them?

A: When she heard of one specific incident of this nature, she immediately directed the army to talk to the LTTE. And after the talks were held, LTTE very gracefully removed the camp. So in the future too I don't think the President is going to turn a blind eye to these issues. Yes, of course, she will go to the extent of ordering the security forces to remove them if there are any.

Q: Do you think a national government is the answer to today's crisis?

A: No. We do not support a national government. But we certainly say yes to a government of national reconciliation. How can we form a national government with a party that has different policies? For instance we may be willing to enter into a working arrangement with the UNP to find a solution to the ethnic question, but we certainly do not agree to the UNP's economic policies. So how to join the UNP and work as a national government?
That type of arrangement will never work out. Firstly, I must say that the people have not given a mandate to do so. Secondly I must say that a healthy democracy of a country depends on a healthy opposition. But in the formation of a national government, there is no room for an opposition. Then how are we going to function? Can we accept a dictatorial type of governance? So, this is out.

Q: The JVP has revealed its 'chaos theory.' How do you view the strategy of the JVP?

A: You see such Marxist parties thrive on situations like these. It is no surprise to learn that the JVP has told the public about the present situation and how best they could live on this. The JVP feels that it is the third major political force in the country and it also feels that it is emerging as a powerful political party. The public knows the answer to this and I do not want to delve on it too much. But the blame lies on both major political parties for failing to deliver the goods to the people. When the major parties fail in their duties, a third party like the JVP thinks they could take advantage of the situation and become more powerful. This is a very common theory adopted by any Marxist party. The more mistakes we make, the more mileage the JVP would gain. This should be kept in mind.

Q: While President Kumaratunga is talking to the UNP, there is also speculation that a deal with the JVP is imminent. Isn't there a contradiction in this situation?

A: No contradiction. You see the people of this country have not been told about these things clearly. Joining hands with the JVP and entering into a working arrangement with the UNP are two different issues. The Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) from the inception has adopted a principle that it should entertain as many parties as possible to form the grandest possible alliance in order to defeat any ruling party. Bandaranaike did it, Sirimavo did it, Chandrika did it in 1994 and now also she is trying to do this. This is a long term strategy to defeat political parties. We rally round other anti UNP political parties to get their support to defeat the UNP. It is just simple as that. But entering into a working arrangement with the UNP has a very specific goal. This is to solve the ethnic crisis. And we are doing it. Joining with the JVP is a long term strategy and mind you we are not sacrificing our interests or policies for the sake of joining hands with the JVP or any other party. We will not compromise our principles.

Q: The JVP has said if it enters into an agreement with the PA, the LTTE's administrative proposals cannot be a basis for negotiation. Will the PA at this juncture change its position as the President has stated in an interview to FrontLine?

A: To my knowledge the JVP has expressed its willingness to agree to the majority view on these issues. So if the majority feels there should be substantial devolution or the current LTTE proposals should be kept as a basis for negotiation, I believe the JVP would also agree to it. The JVP has said that it would honour the majority view of the party.

Q: There are reports in the media that President Kumaratunga will hold the provincial council elections first and then hold general elections six months later. Is there a firm decision on this?

A: I am not sure how firm this decision is, but to my knowledge the provincial council election would be held before the general election and the PA is ready for it. This is why we are signing the MoU with the JVP.

Q: We are almost into 2004. In 2005 the next presidential election is due. For this a candidate has not only got to prepare his policy framework but has also to appoint a team to raise necessary funds for the campaign. It is obvious the UNP candidate is going to be Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. Is not the PA going to get affected by delaying the naming of its next candidate?

A: As a party we still stand for the abolition of the executive presidency. Until the last minute we will be trying to abolish this. So with this in mind, the party as a whole has not taken a decision on it right now. But it does not mean the party will not do so at the correct time. We won't delay anything. Certainly this has nothing to do with decisions of individuals but decisions of the party.